Above photo: Above Photo: Rep. Peter DeFazio (D-Ore.), dressed as Sherlock Holmes, looks at Roxy the “TPP Tracker” bloodhound outside the Capitol on Oct. 29, 2015. Many House Democrats and advocacy groups have deemed the Trans-Pacific Partnership deal unfair to workers. (David Nakamura/The Washington Post)

Download the letter here: TPPOppositionLetter_010716

On January 7, the letter below showing opposition to the TransPacific Partnership (TPP) was delivered to Congress. More than 1,500 organizations signed it.

We urge you to download and send this letter to your specific member of Congress. You can look them up here: Open Congress. Better yet, pay them a personal visit. They will be in their home districts from Jan. 14 to 24 and from February 13 to 22. Call their home office and request an appointment or drop by during business hours. If your member is holding a public event, this is a great place to deliver the letter and ask about their position on the TPP.

If you need advice, reach out to us at [email protected]


January 7, 2016

Re: Please Oppose the Trans1Pacific Partnership

Dear Representative/Senator:

We urge you to oppose the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), a binding pact that poses significant threats to American jobs and wages, the environment, food safety and public health, and that falls far short of establishing the high standards the United States should require in a 21st Century trade agreement.

If enacted, the TPP would set rules governing approximately 40% of the global economy, and includes a “docking” mechanism through which not only Pacific Rim nations, but any country in the world, could join over time. The questions policymakers should be asking about these rules is whether, on the whole, they would create American jobs, raise our wages, enhance environmental sustainability, improve public health and advance human rights and democracy. After careful consideration, we believe you will agree, the answer to these questions is no.

Our opposition to the TPP is broad and varied. Below are just some of the likely effects of the TPP that we find deeply disturbing.

Offshoring U.S. jobs and driving down wages

The TPP would offshore more good-paying American jobs, lower wages in the jobs that are left and increase income inequality by forcing U.S. employers into closer competition with companies exploiting labor in countries like Vietnam, with workers legally paid less than 65 cents an hour, and Malaysia, where an estimated one third of workers in the country’s export-oriented electronics industry are the victims of human trafficking.

The TPP replicates the investor protections that reduce the risks and costs of relocating production to low wage countries. The pro-free-trade Cato Institute considers these terms a subsidy on offshoring, noting that they lower the risk premium of relocating to venues that American firms might otherwise not consider.

And the TPP’s labor standards are grossly inadequate to the task of protecting human rights abroad and jobs here at home. The countries involved in the TPP have labor and human rights records so egregious that the “May 10th” model — which was never sufficient to tackle the systemic labor abuses in Colombia — is simply incapable of ensuring that workers in Mexico, Vietnam, Malaysia and all TPP countries will be able to exercise the rights they are promised on paper. Even if the labor standards were much stronger, the TPP is also so poorly negotiated that it allows products assembled mainly from parts manufactured in “third party” countries with no TPP obligations whatsoever to enter the United States duty free.

The TPP contains none of the enforceable safeguards against currency manipulation demanded by a bipartisan majority in both chambers of Congress. Thus, the often modest tariff cuts achieved under the pact for U.S. exporters could be easily wiped out overnight by countries’ willingness to devalue their currencies in order to gain an unfair trade advantage. Already, the TPP includes several notorious currency manipulators, and would be open for countries such as China to join.

In addition, the TPP includes procurement requirements that would waive “Buy American” and “Buy Local” preferences in many types of government purchasing, meaning our tax dollars would also be offshored rather than being invested at home to create jobs here. Even the many Chinese state-owned enterprises in Vietnam would have to be treated equally with U.S. firms in bidding on most U.S. government contracts. The pact even includes financial services provisions that we are concerned might be interpreted to prohibit many of the commonsense financial stability policies necessary to head off future economic crises. The TPP is a major threat to the U.S. and global economy alike.

Undermining environmental protection

The TPP’s Environment Chapter rolls back the initial progress made in the “May 10th” agreement between congressional Democrats and President George W. Bush with respect to multilateral environmental (MEAs) agreements. The TPP only includes an obligation to “adopt, maintain, and implement” domestic policies to fulfill one of the seven MEAs covered by Bush-era free trade agreements and listed in the “Fast Track” law. This omission would allow countries to violate their obligations in key environmental treaties in order to boost trade or investment without any consequences.

Of the new conservation measures in the TPP, most have extremely weak obligations attached to them, requiring countries to do things such as “exchange information and experiences” and “endeavor not to undermine” conservation efforts, rather than requiring them to “prohibit” and “ban” destructive practices. This stands in stark contrast to many of the commercial obligations found within the agreement.

The TPP’s controversial investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) system would enable foreign investors to challenge bedrock environmental and public health laws, regulations and court decisions as violations of the TPP’s broad foreign investor rights in international tribunals that circumvent domestic judicial systems — a threat felt at home and throughout the Pacific Rim.

Despite the fact that the TPP could threaten climate policies, increase shipping emissions and shift U.S. manufacturing to more carbon-intensive countries, the TPP fails to even include the words “climate change.”

Jeopardizing the safety of the food we feed our families

The TPP includes language not found in past pacts that allows exporters to challenge border food safety inspection procedures. This is a dire concern given the TPP includes countries such as Vietnam and Malaysia that export massive quantities of shrimp and other seafood to the United States, significant amounts of which are now rejected as unsafe under current policies.

As well, new language in the final text replicates the industry demand for a so-called “Rapid Response Mechanism” that requires border inspectors to notify exporters for every food safety check that finds a problem and give the exporter the right to bring a challenge to that port inspection determination. This is a new right to bring a trade challenge to individual border inspection decisions (including potentially laboratory or other testing) that second-guesses U.S. inspectors and creates a chilling effect that would deter rigorous oversight of imported foods.

The TPP additionally includes new rules on risk assessment that would prioritize the extent to which a food safety policy impacts trade, not the extent to which it protects consumers.

Rolling back access to life-saving medications

Many of the TPP’s intellectual property provisions would effectively delay the introduction of lowcost generic medications, increasing health care prices and reducing access to medicine both at home and abroad.

Pharmaceutical firms obtained much of their agenda in the TPP. This includes new monopoly rights that do not exist in past agreements with respect to biologic medicines, a category that includes cutting edge cancer treatments. The TPP also contains requirements that TPP nations allow additional 20-year patents for new uses of drugs already under patent, among other rules that would promote the “evergreening” of patent monopolies. Other TPP provisions may enable pharmaceutical companies to challenge Medicare drug listing decisions, Medicaid reimbursements and constrain future U.S. policy reforms to reduce healthcare costs.

With this agreement, the United States would shamefully roll back some of the hard-fought protections for access to medicine in trade agreements that were secured during the George W. Bush administration. Indeed, the pact eviscerates the core premise of the “May 10th” reforms that poor nations require more flexibility in medicine patent rules so as to ensure access. All of the TPP’s extreme medicine patent rules will apply equally to developing countries with only short transition periods for application of some of the rules.

Elevating investor rights over human rights and democracy

Contrary to Fast Track negotiating objectives, the TPP’s Investment Chapter and its ISDS system would grant foreign firms greater rights than domestic firms enjoy under U.S. law. One class of interests — foreign firms — could privately enforce this public treaty by skirting domestic laws and courts to challenge U.S. federal, state and local decisions and policies on grounds not available in U.S. law and do so before extrajudicial tribunals authorized to order payment of unlimited sums of taxpayer dollars. Under the TPP, compensation orders could include the “expected future profits” a tribunal determines that an investor would have earned in the absence of the public policy it is attacking.

Worse, the TPP would expand U.S. ISDS liability by widening the scope of domestic policies and government actions that could be challenged. For the first time in any U.S. free trade agreement, the provision used in most successful investor compensation demands would be extended to challenges of financial regulatory policies. The TPP would extend the “minimum standard of treatment” obligation to the TPP’s Financial Services Chapter’s terms, allowing financial firms to challenge policies as violating investors’ “expectations” of how they should be treated. Meanwhile, the “safeguard” that the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) claims would protect such policies merely replicates terms that have failed to protect challenged policies in the past.

In addition, the TPP would newly allow pharmaceutical firms to use the TPP to demand cash compensation for claimed violations of World Trade Organization (WTO) rules on creation, limitation or revocation of intellectual property rights. Currently, WTO rules are not privately enforceable by investors.

With Japanese, Australian and other firms newly empowered to launch ISDS attacks against the United States, the TPP would double U.S. ISDS exposure. More than 1,000 additional corporations in TPP nations, which own more than 9,200 subsidiaries here, could newly launch ISDS cases against the U.S. government. About 1,300 foreign firms with about 9,500 U.S. subsidiaries are so empowered under all existing U.S. investor-state-enforced pacts. Most of these are with developing nations with few investors here. That is why, until the TPP, the United States has managed largely to dodge ISDS attacks to date.

In these, and multiple other ways, the TPP elevates investor rights over human rights and democracy, threatening an even broader array of public policy decisions than described above. This, unfortunately, is the all-too-predictable result of a secretive negotiating process in which hundreds of corporate advisors had privileged access to negotiating texts, while the public was barred from even reviewing what was being proposed in its name.

The TPP does not deserve your support. Had Fast Track not become law, Congress could work to remove the misguided and detrimental provisions of the TPP, strengthen weak ones and add new provisions designed to ensure that our most vulnerable families and communities do not bear the brunt of the TPP’s many risks. Now that Fast Track authority is in place for it, Congress is left with no means of adequately amending the agreement without rejecting it entirely. We respectfully ask that you do just that.

Thank you for your consideration. We will be following your position on this matter closely.


Citizens Trade Campaign 350.org ActionAid USA Adorers of the Blood of Christ, US Region AFL-CIO Agricultural Missions, Inc (AMI) Alliance for Democracy Alliance for Global Justice Alliance for Retired Americans Alliance of South Asian American Labor (ASAAL) Amalgamated Transit Union American Federation of Government Employees American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) American Federation of Teachers American Friends Service Committee American Jewish World Service American Postal Workers Union American Sustainable Business Council Americans for Democratic Action (ADA) Asian Pacific American Labor Alliance (APALA) Association of Western Pulp & Paper Workers Backbone Campaign Biofuelwatch Black Alliance for Just Immigration, Black Immigration Network BlueGreen Alliance Breast Cancer Action Campaign for America’s Future Care2 Catholics in Alliance for the Common Good Center for Biological Diversity Center for Digital Democracy Center for Effective Government Center for Environmental Health Center for Food Safety Center for International Environmental Law Clean Water Action Coalition for Better Trade Coalition of Labor Union Women Colombia Support Network Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES) Common Cause Communications Workers of America (CWA) Communities and Postal Workers United Corporate Accountability International CREDO Daily Kos Defenders of Wildlife Domestic Fair Trade Association Earthjustice Earthworks Energy Action Coalition Episcopal Network for Economic Justice Equal Exchange Farm Aid Fellowship of Reconciliation Feminist Majority Fight for the Future Food & Water Watch Food Chain Workers Alliance Foundation for Integrative AIDS Research (FIAR) Friends Committee on National Legislation Friends of the Earth Global Exchange GMO Action Alliance GMO Free USA Green America Greenpeace Guatemala Solidarity Project Health Care Without Harm Health GAP (Global Access Project) HIV Prevention Justice Alliance Holy 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SAFEST Saint Louis Inter-Faith Committee on Latin America Saint Paul Regional Labor Federation Salsa Sisters San Antonio AFL-CIO San Antonio Building & Construction Trades Council San Antonio Labor Council for Latin American Advancement – Chavez-Huerta Chapter San Diego Democracy For America San Fernando Valley Gray Panthers Sane Energy Project Santa Cruz Branch Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, Earth Democracy Committee Santa Cruz Climate Action Network Save Our Sky Blue Waters School of the Americas Watch – San Francisco Seattle Against Slavery Seattle ILWU Pensioners SEIU 503 SEIU 668 SEIU 99 SEIU Local 1000 Environmental Committee Sequoia ForestKeeper Seven Mountains Central Labor Council SGL Health Insurance, Inc. 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Stop Algonquin Pipeline Expansion Stop NY Fracked Gas Pipeline Strenght Through Peace Students Against a Factory-Farming Economy (SAFE) Students for A Democratic Society USF, St. Pete Students for Environmental Action at the University of Georgia Sullivan Alliance for Sustainable Development Sustainable Agriculture of Louisville (SAL) Sustainable Energy & Economy Network Sustainable Food Center Sustainable Otsego Sustainable Tompkins Take Back America for the People Tampa Food not Bombs Taos County Economic Development Tar Sands Action Southern California Tarrant County Central Labor Council Task Force on the Americas Teamsters Dairy Conference Teamsters Joint Council No. 10 Teamsters Joint Council No. 13 Teamsters Joint Council No. 16 Teamsters Joint Council No. 25 Teamsters Joint Council No. 3 Teamsters Joint Council No. 37 Teamsters Joint Council No. 53 Teamsters Joint Council No. 58 Teamsters Joint Council No. 7 Teamsters Joint Council No. 75 Teamsters Joint Council No. 87 Teamsters Local No. 107 Teamsters Local No. 117 Teamsters Local No. 1205 Teamsters Local No. 122 Teamsters Local No. 142 Teamsters Local No. 2011 Teamsters Local No. 210 Teamsters Local No. 231 Teamsters Local No. 24 Teamsters Local No. 324 Teamsters Local No. 325 Teamsters Local No. 38 Teamsters Local No. 396 Teamsters Local No. 436 Teamsters Local No. 449 Teamsters Local No. 455 Teamsters Local No. 52 Teamsters Local No. 559 Teamsters Local No. 577 Teamsters Local No. 600 Teamsters Local No. 631 Teamsters Local No. 633 Teamsters Local No. 637 Teamsters Local No. 653 Teamsters Local No. 657 Teamsters Local No. 690 Teamsters Local No. 697 Teamsters Local No. 701 Teamsters Local No. 703 Teamsters Local No. 71 Teamsters Local No. 727 Teamsters Local No. 728 Teamsters Local No. 745 Teamsters Local No. 769 Teamsters Local No. 773 Teamsters Local No. 777 Teamsters Local No. 79 Teamsters Local No. 814 Teamsters Local No. 839 Teamsters Local No. 853 Teamsters Local No. 891 Teamsters Local No. 917 NY Teamsters Local No. 952 Teamsters Local No. 988 Terra Organic Foods Terraza 7 / RACA Texarkana Central Trade Council Texas AFL-CIO Texas AFT (American Federation of Teachers) Texas Alliance of Retired Americans Texas Alliance of Retired Americans Dallas Chapter Texas Alliance of Retired Americans Educational Fund Texas Drought Project Texas Fair Trade Coalition Texas Farmers Union Texas National Nurses Organizing Committee Texas Political and Legislative Committee/CWA Texas State Association of Electrical Workers Texas State Building and Construction Trades Council Texas State Council of Machinists and Aerospace Workers The Center and Library for the Bible and Social Justice The Coalition to Restore Democracy The Cornucopia Institute The Cross Border Network for Justice and Solidarity The Enviro Show The Global Center for Advanced Studies The Green Sanctuary Committee, Community Church of New York The Greenhorns The Hampshire Food Advocates The Main Street Alliance of Oregon The Maine Paparazzi The Rick Smith Show The University Professional and Technical Employees – Communications Workers of America Local 9119 The Watershed Partnership Thurston-Lewis-Mason Central Labor Council Toledo Area Jobs with Justice & Interfaith Worker Justice Coalition Tom Neilson Music Toxics Information Project (TIP) Trade Justice New York Metro Transformations CDC Transport Workers Local 223 Traprock Center for Peace and Justice Treatment Advocacy and Literacy Campaign Tri County Regional Labor Council Tri-County Democrats (IA) Tri-Valley Move On Council Triangle NC TPP Working Group Troy Area Labor Council TWU Local 291 TWU Local 568 U Students Like Good Food (UMN) U.S. Climate Plan U.S.-El Salvador Sister Cities UAW Local 218 UAW Local 2320 UAW Local 276 UAW Local 4121 UAW Local 677 UAW Local 686 UAW Local 848 Retiree Chapter UAW Midwestern States CAP Council UAW Southwestern States CAP Council UMass Auxiliary Services Sustainability Department UMass Permaculture UMass Real Food Collective Unitarian Universalist of the Lehigh Valley Social Action Committee Unitarian Universalist Women’s Association – Metro District UNITE HERE Local 355 UNITE HERE Local 8 UNITE HERE New England Joint Board United Areospace Workers Local 848 United Electrical, Radio & Machine Workers of America (UE) Western Region United Food and Commercial Workers Local 1189 United Food and Commercial Workers Local 21 United Food and Commercial Workers Local 367 United Food and Commercial Workers Local 555 United Food and Commerical Workers Local 23 United for Action United Nations Association – Greater Milwaukee chapter United Sludge Free Alliance United Steelworkers District 1 United Steelworkers District 10 United Steelworkers District 10 Rapid Response United Steelworkers District 11 United Steelworkers District 12 United Steelworkers District 12 Associate Member Program United Steelworkers District 13 United Steelworkers District 13 Women of Steel United Steelworkers District 4 Sub District 3 United Steelworkers District 9 United Steelworkers Gas Workers 11-6 United Steelworkers Local 00769L United Steelworkers Local 01280 United Steelworkers Local 01973 United Steelworkers Local 02-02003 United Steelworkers Local 0971 United Steelworkers Local 1-112 United Steelworkers Local 1-346 United Steelworkers Local 1-801 United Steelworkers Local 10 United Steelworkers Local 10-00086 United Steelworkers Local 10-00179 United Steelworkers Local 10-00547 United Steelworkers Local 10-1 United Steelworkers Local 10-1303 United Steelworkers Local 10-1426 United Steelworkers Local 10-234 United Steelworkers Local 10-547 United Steelworkers Local 10-670 United Steelworkers Local 10-719 United Steelworkers Local 1010 United Steelworkers Local 1011 United Steelworkers Local 1013 United Steelworkers Local 1014 United Steelworkers Local 1020l United Steelworkers Local 1024 United Steelworkers Local 1028 United Steelworkers Local 1029 United Steelworkers Local 104 United 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State Alliance for Retired Americans WA Teamsters Joint Council 28 Washington Biotechnology Action Council Washington Fair Trade Coalition Washington Federation of State Employees Local 443 Washington State Labor Council, AFL-CIO Washington Young Emerging Labor Leaders Waterkeeper Alliance Wellstone Democratic Renewal Club WESPAC Foundation West Seattle Neighbors for Peace and Justice West Virginia Eastern Panhandle for Bernie Sanders Western Colorado Congress Western Maine Central Labor Council Western Mass. Jobs with Justice Western Organization of Resource Councils (WORC) Western Washington Fellowship of Reconciliation, Seattle Chapter Western Wisconsin AFL-CIO Whatcom County Democrats Whatcom Peace and Justice WhyHunger WildWest Institute Wisconsin Fair Trade Coalition Wisconsin Farmers Union Wise Latina International Witness for Peace Southeast WKYAFL-CIO Area Council Women Occupy San Diego Women of Steel Detroit Area Council Women of Steel McMinville Oregon Local Women of Washoe County Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom – Ashland, OR Women’s Voices for the Earth Words Apart Magazine Workers Defense Project Yamhill County Democrats Executive Committee Youth for Environmental Sustainability, Wolfson Campus, Miami Dade College


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